Iran: One of the Most Dangerous Places in the World for Journalists

On International Day to End Impunity for Crimes Against Journalists, World Must Focus on Iran

Reporters Face Arrest, Torture, Imprisonment and Even Death for Exposing State’s Brutal Repression

October 31, 2024 – As the world marks the International Day to End Impunity for Crimes Against Journalists on November 2, Iran stands as one of the most dangerous places for reporters, ranked among the top ten jailers of journalists globally. The government targets those who report on human rights violations, protests, or any government abuses, subjecting them to intimidation, arbitrary arrest, and violence.

“Iranian journalists work under an incredibly repressive security environment, where the government perceives them as significant threats due to their ability to expose state abuses and challenge official narratives,” said Hadi Ghaemi, executive director of the Center for Human Rights in Iran (CHRI).

“The Islamic Republic not only targets journalists inside Iran, but also silences exiled Iranian journalists and stifles dissent beyond its borders. The Iranian government’s transnational repression of journalists demands urgent global attention,” Ghaemi added.

CHRI calls on the UN, governments worldwide, and human rights organizations to use the occasion of the International Day to End Impunity for Crimes Against Journalists to:

• Speak out forcefully and publicly against Iran’s brutal and criminal persecution of journalists;
• Demand that the Iranian authorities free and drop charges against all imprisoned journalists;
• Pursue multilateral efforts to protect foreign and exiled journalists;
• Vigorously pursue targeted sanctions against any responsible officials, including judges.

The Harsh Realities of Journalism in Iran

In the first half of 2024, Iranian authorities arrested or enforced prison sentences on at least 34 journalists and media activists. As of October 24, at least seven journalists remain imprisoned, while many are released on bail awaiting charges or sentencing.

So far in 2024, there have been over 281 cases of legal and security proceedings against journalists and media workers, reflecting a severe crackdown on independent reporting. State-controlled media continues to dominate, silencing dissent and creating an environment where independent journalism is impossible.

Prominent human rights lawyer Saeid Dehghan commented on these actions, stating:

“The Islamic Republic, lacking democracy and plagued by unchecked political and economic corruption, views free media as a threat. The regime prioritizes ‘security control’ over true governance, and thus targets journalists who expose abuses instead of addressing actual criminal activity or corruption. This pursuit of control over transparency explains the regime’s inclination to fabricate cases against journalists who reveal its misconduct.

“Despite knowing that journalists report factual events, the regime prosecutes them for ‘spreading lies’ and accuses them of security offenses and espionage. This tactic serves to intimidate not only journalists but also any potential rights defender, including lawyers. These cases lack a legal foundation, and the judicial process remains illegal and unjust, aimed solely at silencing voices rather than delivering justice.”

The Iranian government’s persecution of journalists has increased since the nationwide 2022/2023 uprising that followed Mahsa Jina Amini’s killing in police custody, with at least 79 journalists arrested during the protests.  In 2023, Iranian women journalists faced unprecedented harsh sentencing, with half a dozen receiving sentences that exceeded ten years.

Notably, Elaheh Mohammadi and Niloofar Hamedi, who were among the first to report on Amini’s killing, received sentences of 12 and 13 years, respectively. On October 13, 2024, a court ruled that the two journalists, released on bail in January, need to return to prison to serve a reduced five-year sentence.

Disabling of Journalists’ SIM cards

CHRI has learned that Iranian authorities have also been increasingly disabling the SIM cards of journalists and activists in response to their online activities. Those affected have reported losing access to critical services, such as banking and emergency contacts, while many have been summoned by judicial authorities. Some individuals have been coerced into signing pledges to cease their activities in exchange for the reinstatement of their SIM cards.

This tactic not only cuts individuals off from essential communication but also blatantly infringes upon fundamental rights to access services and participate in civil society. 

CHRI spoke with a journalist living in Iran, who said:

“Many journalists whose SIM cards were cut off bravely made it public. This was very important because … the wall of fear started to crumble; many journalists openly shared under their real names about the sudden disconnection of their SIM cards and the blocking of their bank accounts as the latest methods of pressure by the security establishment.”

“Many journalists were very worried and felt helpless when they saw that their SIM cards were suddenly cut off, which meant a court order was enforced against them without anyone being held accountable. These are the concerns facing reporters and journalists who have a hard and risky job even under normal conditions.”

CHRI spoke with a human rights lawyer inside Iran, who emphasized that the sudden disconnection of SIM cards and blocking of bank accounts violate fundamental rights outlined in Iran’s constitution and reflect a troubling trend of extrajudicial control by security forces. He said: 

“When a journalist suddenly finds out that his/her SIM card has been disconnected, it means that a final court decision has been enforced without any judicial process at all. This is very scary. These behaviors (cutting SIM cards and the bank accounts of journalists) are not compatible with the judicial system of the Islamic Republic, meaning they have no legal justification. These behaviors indicate the presence and control of an unbridled security system in the judicial structure to implement its extra-legal management.

“Such security measures have been applied to civil rights activists, human rights lawyers, and journalists for a long time, but they are impossible to prove in court because they are enforced in secret to destroy the victims’ lives.”

Iranian Journalists Abroad Face Transnational Repression

Journalists in Iran face relentless pressures, including raids on their newsrooms, prolonged pretrial detention, arrest, torture, and even death, all of which can drive them to seek safety abroad to escape a government that criminalizes their work. However, these exiled journalists still face threats abroad, such as surveillance, harassment, and even assassination attempts orchestrated by Islamic Republic agents. 

In February 2024, it was reported that documents hacked from the Iranian judiciary’s database revealed that at least 44 Iranian journalists working for news outlets abroad were secretly sentenced for “propaganda against the state.”

Safe refuge options for Iranian journalists are limited. Turkey, a primary relocation destination, is also one of the top jailers of journalists, offering little security. Many exiled Iranian journalists remain trapped there in legal and financial limbo, often for years, under the constant threat of forced deportation.

Since 2022, there have been at least 15 credible plots tied to the Iranian government to kill or kidnap individuals, including journalists, in the U.K. Iran has increasingly turned to criminal networks to carry out violent plots against journalists in the U.S. and Europe. These tactics pose grave dangers for Iranian journalists living abroad, as it allows the government to maintain deniability for its actions.

For example, on March 29, 2024, Iranian-British journalist Pouria Zeraati survived a stabbing attack outside his home in south London. British counter-terrorism police suspect the assault was orchestrated by the Iranian government, hiring Eastern European mercenaries to target Zeraati.

On October 22, 2024, U.S. federal prosecutors charged an official of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and three others with links to the Iranian government for plotting to assassinate Iranian journalist and dissident Masih Alinejad in New York. 

“Freedom of the press is central to the Iranian people’s decades-long struggle for freedom and justice. The Iranian government persecutes journalists precisely because it understands that open media and independent journalism will expose its atrocities to the world,” said Ghaemi.

The following are just some of the many journalists who have faced prosecutions or arrests in Iran in 2024: 

• Omid Faraghat’s six-month sentence on the sham charge of “propaganda against the state” was overturned on October 2. In 2023, he had been banned from using social media for two years.
• Alieh Fatemeh Gholipour Ganjehlou is facing prosecution for publishing a report about the destruction of 100-year-old trees in the city of Tabriz to build a police station.  
• Reza Valizadeh, an Iranian-American journalist who returned to Iran in March 2024 to visit his parents, is due to go on trial on national security charges after being in solitary confinement since March 2024.
• Niloufar Hamedi and Elaheh Mohammadi will serve five years in prison for reporting on Jina Mahsa Amini’s killing in September 2022. 
• Pedram Soltani faced charges on October 7 for “disturbing society’s psychological security” through social media posts.
• Hadi Kasaiezadei was prosecuted on September 19 for reporting on corruption linked to a Friday prayer leader.
• Fardin Mostafaei, the administrator of the Kurdish Rudaw news channel on Telegram, was arrested by the Ministry of Intelligence without a warrant on September 18.
• Saeideh Shafiei was ordered to return to prison on September 6 to serve a 3.5-year sentence despite ongoing health issues.
• Mahta Sadri was fined six million tomans instead of serving six months in prison for “propaganda against the state” related to comments on President Ebrahim Raisi’s death. She was tried without her lawyer present.
• Hossein Shanbehzadeh was sentenced on August 31 to 12 years for posting a “dot” under a tweet by the Supreme Leader.
• Dina Ghalibaf had her two-year prison sentence suspended for five years in late July.
• Parisa Salehi was summoned in mid-July to start a five-month sentence for the fabricated charge of “propaganda against the state.”
• Salaheddin Khalaj Asadi, journalist and admin of the Cheshmandaz news channel on Telegram, was sentenced to 40 lashes for publishing a report critical of a sports official in Tehran. 
• Asal Dadashloo was fined in mid-July for retweeting news about Nika Shakarami, a protester who was killed.
• Fatemeh Gholipur was charged on July 10 for reporting on a brawl during a religious ceremony that resulted in casualties.
• Saba Azarpeik suffered a miscarriage after being transferred from Evin Prison to a hospital in June. 
• Saba Azarpeik and Yashar Soltani were imprisoned on June 10, 2024, for exposing financial corruption. Azarpeik faces two years in prison, while Soltani, initially sentenced to 13 months, was released on October 5.
• Hossein Razzagh received 74 lashes for “absence and failure to report to prison” while he was actually in Evin Prison.
• Jina Modarres-Gorji was sentenced to 21 years in prison in late May 2024 on national security charges, with 10 years mandatory if upheld. In early October, she received an additional 28 months for “establishing an illegal group” and “propaganda against the state.”
• Manizheh Moazen was summoned after posting a video showing celebrations following President Raisi’s crash.
• Mehdi Mahmoudian was summoned to court for the 13th time since 2008 on the charge of “propaganda against the state.”
• Vida Rabbani had her parole request denied after being sentenced to over seven years in prison.
• Shirin Saeidi was sentenced in early May to five years for fabricated national security charges.
• Marzieh Mahmoudi was summoned on May 3 for writing about the gruesome death of protester Nika Shakarami.
• Parisa Salehi started her one-year sentence on April 28 for “propaganda against the state.”
• Hesam Abediha and Hassan Abbasi were summoned in early April for “spreading falsehoods” for their exposés on corruption and poverty.
• Ali Moslehi was sentenced on March 17 to six years and one month in prison, with 22 months suspended.
• Rouhollah Nakhaie was taken to Evin Prison on March 16 to begin a two-year sentence for “assembly and collusion against national security.”
• Hana Khalaj was sacked from the Islamic Republic News Agency (IRNA) on March 15 for posting a photo of a protest rally.
• Zeinab Rahimi was convicted in early March for tweeting about the suspicious death of Armita Geravand and fined for publishing falsehoods.
• Kimia (Zahra) Fathizadeh was sentenced in late February to six months in prison for “slandering officials” and “disturbing mental security” after an expose on the corruption of a local politician.
• Nasrin Hassani reported to prison on February 4 for seven months for “spreading falsehoods” and was fined for not wearing a hijab.
• Arsalan Rasooli was taken to prison on January 25 to begin a six-month sentence for “propaganda against the state.